Tens of thousands of people gathered in Hungary’s capital on Saturday to mark the 30th anniversary of Budapest Pride, defying a government-imposed ban on the event.
Among the crowd were members of the European Parliament, international supporters, and many so-called “first priders”.
Following the ban, Budapest Pride has taken on new meaning, becoming a powerful symbol of resistance against the government’s ongoing restrictions on freedom of assembly and human rights, according to participants on Saturday.
Euronews journalists on the ground spoke with several attendees who said they had previously been indifferent — or even opposed — to Pride events, but chose to participate this year to stand up for civil liberties and show solidarity with the LGBTQ+ community.
Swedish climate activist Greta Thunberg was also in Budapest for the Pride march. In a video posted to her Instagram, she accused Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán of making a desperate attempt to ban the event.
Thunberg described Pride as both a protest and a celebration of love, calling the ban “another fascist attack on human rights.”
Pride banned, far-right march allowed
While Pride was officially banned, police allowed a far-right march to go ahead. The far-right 64 Counties Youth Movement held an event on the same square in Budapest where Pride participants later gathered.
Meanwhile, the Our Homeland Movement—a small far-right parliamentary party—announced a counter-march along the same route as the municipal Pride event. Both far-right events received police approval.
Pride without the main opposition leader
Peter Magyar is currently on holiday with his three sons.
However, the leader of Hungary’s main opposition party TISZA posted a strong message of support on Facebook, saying: “We build a country together, with all Hungarians, where it does not matter where you come from, what you believe in, who you love.”
“I call all police officers to protect all Hungarian citizens from the arbitrariness of a fallen power.”
Speculation circulated as to the “real” reason why he missed Pride. However, Magyar explained it is because his sons play football, so they had to organise their family holiday around summer sports camps.
Political analysts had warned that by banning Pride, Orbán was likely attempting to provoke Magyar.
The party’s support base is diverse, bringing together people from across the political spectrum. Magyar has repeatedly emphasised that he aims to represent all Hungarians, not just one ideological side.
For Fidesz, forcing Magyar to take a clearer stance on liberal issues—such as LGBTQ+ rights—could be politically advantageous.
“Pride is already a success for Fidesz,” political analyst Zoltán Novák told Euronews, “because they’ve managed to make the public debate revolve around an issue they own, framed in their language, and on a political topic where they enjoy majority support.”
As Fidesz continues to lose ground to its centre-right rival, the TISZA, it has struggled to counter its challenger’s strategy.
His campaign has focused squarely on the everyday concerns of Hungarians—rising economic hardship, and the deteriorating state of healthcare and education—while contrasting them with the corruption scandals and growing wealth of the Fidesz elite, including members of Orbán’s family.
This approach has triggered a sharp shift in public opinion. According to the latest poll by the reputable Median Institute, TISZA is now ahead of Fidesz by 15%. Meanwhile, government-aligned pollsters—normally active and vocal—have fallen into an unusual silence.
TISZA’s Magyar—formerly married to Fidesz’s ex-justice minister—has deliberately avoided polarising political issues such as LGBTQ+ rights or topics that fail to resonate broadly with voters, like press freedom.
Instead, he has focused on pressing, everyday concerns, including inflation, corruption, the state of healthcare, and failing infrastructure, such as Hungary’s rail system.
According to political analyst Zoltán Novák, Fidesz introduced the so-called “Pride laws” in an attempt to corner Magyar into taking a stance that could alienate either conservative or liberal voters.
While Magyar successfully sidestepped the trap, remnants of the liberal-green opposition stepped in to defend the issue, allowing Fidesz to partially regain control of the political narrative.
